Self-Interest and the Common Good: Progress?

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In the earliest human societies, which were hunter-gatherer bands, self-interest and the common good were one and the same, although the concept of the common good would not be formally described until the fourth century CE.

The struggle for survival of both individual and group was their shared primary concern and was inherent in the band lifestyle, which required collective action for foraging and protection from predators.

Over time, bands joined together to form tribes in which hierarchies evolved as a form of social organization. With the advent of agriculture, tribes gave up their nomadic, hunter-gatherer lifestyle and became farmers. Farming and sedentary settlement gave rise to the concept of private property, and self-interest began to replace communal motivation and activities.

Then, when tribes established cities, their hierarchies became the dominant social structure. Self-interest and the common good were no longer synonymous. As society’s transition continued from cities to states and nations, the common good became subordinate to self-interest. This situation, unfortunately, persists in our world today.

It was not a quick or simple transition. Many civilizations arose, shaping our history to varying degrees on foundations of many different economic systems. The most onerous among these was slavery, the epitome of political and economic inequality. Under slavery, there is no common good at all—only slaves and masters, rich and poor.

It is fascinating to realize that the cultures and economic systems supported by slavery have since perished—as if Plutarch’s pronouncement that “An imbalance between rich and poor is the most fatal ailment of all republics” had the power of prophecy. A partial list of the fallen: Sumer, Egypt, Greece, Rome; the colonial empires of Britain, France, Spain, Germany, and Portugal; and the antebellum American South.

Although political inequality is gradually disappearing as more countries become democracies (or at least, more democratic), economic inequality between haves and have-nots is actually increasing—ironically, with the active support of some of those same governments.

For example, in the US of the 1960s and 1970s, ongoing corporate tax exemptions/forgiveness and subsidies, along with a general abandonment of antitrust enforcement, encouraged the formation of huge conglomerates. In the 1980s, corporate and high-income tax rates were cut substantially, the “too big to fail” concept was introduced in the Continental of Illinois Bank bailout, and S&L deregulation cost taxpayers $1.2 trillion. Then, because banks were allowed to engage in investment activities in the 1990s, irresponsible risk-taking led to the worldwide financial collapse of 2008, with a $700 billion bailout of “too big to fail” institutions in the US alone.

It cannot be claimed that any of those governmental actions was taken to enhance the common good or to satisfy the fundamental human drive toward freedom and equality and building a better future. Rather, each action was taken to satisfy the self-interest of the wealthy.

For the future, as more and more people become aware of their political and economic power and begin to exercise it, we can look for a resurgence of concern for the common good in both political and economic systems. But it will not come easily.

Oliver & Barbara

Whatever Happened to “the Loyal Opposition”?

For many of us, an awareness of politics first arose in a high school civics classroom. Among the topics typically covered in that curriculum was “the loyal opposition.” This concept originated in the British Parliament to support bipartisanship in a two-party governing system in which the minority party could disagree with the majority without being considered disloyal or treasonous.

It spread throughout the British Empire and was adopted in the United States during the Presidential campaign of Jefferson and Hamilton. Under this concept, the President’s party controls the executive branch and the legislative branch (Congress) is divided between the parties according to the votes of local elections.

Although it may seem paradoxical or counterintuitive for opposition to be a unifying tool, that was nevertheless the idea.

Under this concept, each party recognizes the legitimacy of the other party as well as its equal commitment to country, Constitution, and the common good. Each party, however, is free to promote its own vision of government, and differences between the two are to be debated.

The opposition of the minority party is to be accepted as loyal (not seen as treason or sedition) when it proposes a reasonable alternative for debate. Ultimately, whatever the outcome of a debate, both parties are supposed to support the decision.

This concept and process worked for a long time in American government because both parties recognized the need for compromise to resolve contentious issues—but eventually, in the 1970s, decay set in.

Like an invasion of pathogens, lobbyists and special-interest groups contaminated the body politic through campaign contributions. Various power-seeking individuals, corporations, and institutions became excessively invested, financially and emotionally, in the outcome of legislative debates.

As the contamination of money spread further into both parties, they began to view each other as “not like me” and therefore dangerous, echoing an ancient survival mechanism used to identify predators or prey.

Politicians, increasingly indebted to special-interest groups for campaign contributions, more often used “back-room deals” to avoid open debates. These led to the end of compromise, because secrecy allowed the risk of public exposure of selfishness or inequity to be avoided. Self-serving individuals in both parties began to demonize their opponents.

Eventually, the unifying concept of loyal opposition was replaced by destructive partisanship, damaging the country and the common good.

A revival of the loyal opposition concept and its practice would require the elimination, or at least limitation, of money’s contamination in public elections. The ultimate, though presently impossible, solution would be public financing of elections.

But meanwhile, an excellent beginning would be an amendment to the Constitution that’s been proposed by Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont (see www.berniesanders.com), which would overturn the deplorable decision of the Supreme Court that currently allows corporations and individuals to make unlimited, anonymous campaign contributions.

Quick Blog Takeaways:

  • “The loyal opposition” supports bipartisanship.
  • The deterioration of the loyal opposition began in the 1970s.
  • The loyal opposition was killed by the infection of money.
  • Resurrection of the loyal opposition requires a Constitutional amendment.
  • The people have the power to pass such an amendment.

Oliver & Barbara

 

 

Inequality and Evil

I mention in my book, To Find the Way of Love, that although the concepts of inequality and evil are absent from each of the dual theories of the Universe’s creation—the physical and the spiritual—the concepts of freedom and equality do appear in both. Freedom and equality are conceived in these theories as characteristics possessed by all of the fundamental particles that comprise all matter. The particles are equal in that no particle is better than any other or controls any other; and yet, particles can be different from one another, as iron differs from oxygen and protons differ from electrons. They are different but equal.

Only in recent millennia did this natural paradox become important, and problematic, as humans began to attach value judgments to differences. The reasoning arose that if two things were different, one had to be better than the other. This reasoning was extended, incorrectly, to people; if two people were different, one was superior to the other. Thus, inequality and evil appeared together—long after the Universe came to be.

Evil is not some mysterious thing: it is any act or belief that interferes with freedom and equality, or with the formation of free and equal relationships. It’s only a matter of belief, for example, that because men and women are different, one must therefore be better than the other. Such assumptions of inequality are the root of evil.

Perhaps ironically, this human propensity to make comparisons and turn them into negative judgments evolved from a crucial survival mechanism that first appeared eons ago in the mammalian brain. With a new brain structure, the limbic system, came mammals’ drive and ability to nurture and protect their offspring; and unlike their reptilian forebears, mammalian brains carried an innate prohibition against eating their brethren. This meant they also had to evolve a capability to rapidly identify others of their own kind, thereby solving the “eat or greet” dilemma posed when meeting a stranger.

Unfortunately, what was once a positive survival mechanism has since become a destructive, self-limiting means for discriminating against anyone or anything that’s different from the self or what the self is accustomed to. It would be a better world if each of us took responsibility for our biases and their consequences. It would be a safer world for all of us if differences were not so often, automatically, imbued with value judgments. It would be an impressive step forward for humanity and its future if we could move beyond those ancient, instinctive discriminatory impulses to a more conscious recognition of the potential value in our differences, and to an awareness of the necessity for treating all humans, despite differences, with respect as equals. Perhaps becoming mindful of the way of love can be a key to making that transition.

Oliver & Barbara